[1981-1995] The Mitterrand Era and the 'Socialist Turn'

The year is 1981. On the evening of May tenth, a palpable tension hangs over France. For twenty-three years, since the birth of the Fifth Republic under Charles de Gaulle, the presidency had been the exclusive domain of the Right. But tonight, something was different. As the clock struck eight, the televised image of the projected winner began to form. Slowly, the face of François Mitterrand, the 64-year-old Socialist leader, materialized on millions of television screens. A collective gasp, a wave of shock, and then an explosion of joy erupted from the Left. In Paris, jubilant crowds surged into the Place de la Bastille, the historic symbol of revolution, singing, dancing, and celebrating a victory that felt as momentous as any in the nation's turbulent history. For many, it was the dawn of a new era, a promise of profound change. For others, it was a moment of deep anxiety, a leap into the unknown, with fears of Soviet-style collectivism whispered in worried tones.

This was the beginning of the Mitterrand era, a fourteen-year period that would fundamentally reshape France. Mitterrand himself was a complex, enigmatic figure, a master of political strategy nicknamed 'Le Florentin' for his cunning. He wasn't a firebrand revolutionary; he was a man of letters, a contemplative politician who had held his first ministerial post back in the Fourth Republic. Now, at the helm, he and his government unleashed a whirlwind of reforms known as the 'état de grâce' or 'state of grace'. Their program was ambitious, seeking to break with capitalism and forge a uniquely French socialism. The state moved swiftly to nationalize key sectors of the economy, taking control of 36 banks and major industrial conglomerates like the electronics giant Thomson and the chemical company Rhône-Poulenc. The goal was to give the government the levers to direct the economy and protect jobs.

For the average person, the changes were tangible and immediate. The work week was shortened from 40 to 39 hours, a fifth week of paid vacation was mandated for all workers, and the retirement age was lowered to sixty. The minimum wage was given a significant 10% boost. One of the most symbolic and enduring acts came from Mitterrand's Minister of Justice, Robert Badinter, a passionate lawyer who had devoted his life to the cause: the abolition of the death penalty. In September 1981, the guillotine, that grim icon of French justice, was consigned to the museum of history. Culturally, France seemed to blossom. Mitterrand's charismatic Minister of Culture, Jack Lang, declared that culture was everywhere and for everyone. He doubled the ministry's budget and launched popular initiatives like the Fête de la Musique, an annual nationwide music festival held on the summer solstice, which continues to this day.

Daily life was also being quietly revolutionized by a small, unassuming box connected to the telephone line: the Minitel. This government-sponsored videotex service was a precursor to the World Wide Web. By the mid-1980s, millions of French homes had a Minitel terminal, which they used to book train tickets, check bank accounts, look up phone numbers, and even chat in forums called 'messageries roses'. While the rest of the world was still years away from mass internet adoption, France was already living in a connected, digital age.

But the economic honeymoon was short-lived. The socialist spending spree collided with a global recession. By 1982, inflation was running at a punishing 14%, unemployment was rising, and the French franc was under immense pressure. Capital fled the country, and the trade deficit ballooned. Mitterrand faced a defining choice in the spring of 1983: abandon the European Monetary System to protect his socialist experiment, or impose austerity to keep the franc tied to the powerful German Deutsche Mark. After a period of intense debate, he made his decision. He chose Europe. This was the 'tournant de la rigueur'—the U-turn to austerity. Wages and prices were frozen, and public spending was slashed. The dream of a radical break with capitalism was over. For many on the far-left who had celebrated in the Bastille just two years earlier, it felt like a profound betrayal.

The political landscape shifted dramatically. The initial euphoria gave way to disillusionment, and in the 1986 legislative elections, the Right won a majority in the National Assembly. This created an unprecedented political situation in the Fifth Republic. Mitterrand, the Socialist President, was forced to appoint the leader of the opposition, the energetic and combative Jacques Chirac, as his Prime Minister. This awkward power-sharing arrangement was dubbed 'cohabitation'. For two years, the two men, ideological opposites, governed together in a state of barely concealed hostility. The President, in charge of foreign policy and defense, and the Prime Minister, handling domestic affairs, engaged in a constant, public political chess match. It was a fascinating and often tense spectacle for the French people.

Despite the economic difficulties and political turmoil, Mitterrand projected an image of presidential gravitas, particularly on the world stage. He was a staunch advocate for European integration, working closely with German Chancellor Helmut Kohl to deepen the alliance that formed the bedrock of the European Community. He also sought to leave a lasting physical mark on the capital, launching a series of monumental architectural projects known as the 'Grands Projets'. These transformed the face of Paris: the controversial glass Pyramid at the Louvre designed by I. M. Pei, the futuristic Grande Arche de la Défense, the Opéra Bastille, and the sprawling new national library, the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. These buildings, often criticized at the time for their cost and scale, were Mitterrand’s attempt to build monuments for a modern, culturally confident France, much like the kings and emperors of the past.

In 1988, portraying himself as a unifying figure above the political fray, Mitterrand skillfully defeated Chirac to win a second seven-year term. His second presidency was dominated by foreign affairs, especially the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent reunification of Germany. Mitterrand initially harbored deep reservations, fearing a resurgent, powerful Germany. His crucial support for reunification was secured in exchange for Germany's commitment to bind itself more tightly to Europe through a single currency. This bargain paved the way for the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, which created the European Union and laid the groundwork for the euro. It was perhaps his most significant and lasting achievement. Yet his final years were clouded by revelations about his past and by the physical toll of a prostate cancer diagnosis he had hidden from the public since 1981. François Mitterrand left office in 1995, a weakened but still commanding figure, leaving behind a France deeply changed, a Left that had learned the hard lessons of governing, and a European project that he had decisively shaped. His fourteen years in power were a story of grand ambition, ideological compromise, cultural flourishing, and the complex, often contradictory, remaking of a nation.